Tuesday, May 13, 2003, Page 8
'Political accountability cannot be thoroughly implemented under China's
party-government system because the party is not responsible to any other
organization. Nor can it be supervised by anyone.'
The SARS outbreak has significantly affected China's politics. The international
media has mostly focused on the SARS epidemic's impact on the Chinese political
situation. But what really deserves our attention is how flawed China's
political system has proven to be in the wake of the epidemic.
First, the civilian administration in Beijing can hardly control the military.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has always stressed the idea of the party
leading the military. All troops are controlled by the party's Central Military
Commission, chaired by former president Jiang Zemin, rather than by the
government system through the State Council.
However, SARS prevention is the responsibility of both President Hu Jintao --
who serves concurrently as the party's secretary-general and the commission's
vice chairman -- and Premier Wen Jiabao. As a result, the Hu-Wen system is
unable to control the epidemic at military hospitals. This was also a major
cause of Beijing's SARS outbreak.
Similar problems will constantly occur, and more than one government will
continue to exist in China if it does not have a single leadership that controls
both the party and the military in the future.
Second, the central government's control of the local governments is weak.
Although Beijing has requested that local governments report epidemic
information, the central government does not know whether the reported number of
SARS cases is accurate. Hence, it has to send out teams, or even rely on World
Health Organization (WHO) experts to find out the truth for it.
The central government also has to constantly threaten to dismiss those
irresponsible officials and has no idea whether it will receive complete
information on the epidemic nationwide.
Third, the party's control over the media is tight. The spread of the disease is
generally believed to be related to the regime's cover-up of the epidemic at
first. In fact, all the media are led by the party's propaganda department.
The regime is absolutely capable of completely blocking certain news if it
desires to do so. On the other hand, for more sensitive news that is not
officially banned by the department, the media usually report it to a certain
degree in an effort to boost sales. Reports on the SARS epidemic were blocked
until early last month.
The media's simultaneous reactions served as proof of the department's ban on
SARS reports earlier. If the party still does not give greater freedom to the
media in the future, and the media still cannot give full play to their function
as an early-warning system, then similar disasters may break out again.
Fourth, both information feedback from rural areas and public resource
management mechanisms are poor and ineffective. The disease has not yet spread
into the rural areas, where medical resources are lacking. But numerous workers
are now running away from big cities to their hometowns on China's crowded
transportation system.
The public health system has lagged far behind in the rural areas because of
long-term ignorance and unbalanced development. Both the epidemic information
and public medical resources are insufficient. Once massive outbreaks of the
illness take place there, all cities are likely to close down. This will further
worsen the gap between China's urban and rural areas.
Fifth, the legitimacy of the regime is weak. Why did China cover up the epidemic
at the beginning? The bureaucrats were afraid to cause public panic and social
uproar. This clearly showed the fragility of the country's overall political
order. On the other hand, many economically developed areas tried their best to
maintain a clean image, so as to avoid possible capital outflows and economic
strikes.
This clearly showed that China's overall political legitimacy excessively relies
on the single factor of the economy, which is another weakness of the Chinese
political order today.
Sixth, government officials at all levels have a bureaucratic attitude and do
not value the public's lives and property. For example, a Chinese official once
said that it's not considered a significant matter unless hundreds of thousands
of people are killed.
Maybe the Chinese government would not be so nervous if not for the large number
of foreigners also affected by the disease. Numerous people have been killed in
coal mine collapses in recent years. Although these incidents were reported by
the media, they did not cause any political crisis because all the victims were
lower-class Chinese.
Finally, the most fundamental problem: party-government relations and "political
accountability," which were reflected in the following cases. Take Guangdong
Province for example. In March and early last month, divergent voices on SARS
propaganda were frequently heard from the provincial government and the
provincial propaganda department, which is in fact controlled by the party's
propaganda department. The former tended to be more open, and the latter more
conservative.
Such divergence created a political accountability problem: the provincial
government had to bear the political responsibility of concealing news but had
no real control over the local media. This highlighted the difficulty of how
"political accountability" should be promoted in the existing party-government
system.
If the government at each level is responsible to the National People's Congress
of its level and also to the State Council, then how can the party be
supervised?
Since the party's organization and management principle is "democratic
centralism," which demands that local party organs obey the central ones and
that lower authorities obey higher ones, should the party's propaganda
department be responsible for local propaganda agencies' actions? To which is
the propaganda department responsible? To the Central Committee?
The problem is, those who lead the party's propaganda work and the government's
administration are all members of the Political Bureau under the Central
Committee. But the bureau adopts a collective leadership. How can responsibility
be clarified?
Political accountability cannot be thoroughly implemented under China's
party-government system because the party is not responsible to any other
organization. Nor can it be supervised by anyone.
According to the PRC's Constitution, especially stressed by Hu when he first
took the helm, the party has to act in accordance with the Constitution. But the
Constitution failed to stipulate any supervision mechanism for the party.
In the era of globalization, the essence of China's new political and economic
order is fluid in nature. In light of the SARS impact today, the political
system built on the basis of a closed society in the past is seriously flawed.
For China's healthy development in the future, it's time for the new Chinese
leadership to add political system reform to its agenda.
Hsu Szu-chien is an assistant research fellow in the Institute of International
Relations at National Chengchi University.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
Category: Falun Dafa in the Media